Marking Egyptian Women's Day, 16 March, Dina Ezzat looks into the main obstacles that impede the progress of women in their struggle for empowerment
Half moons
Nader Fergany, author of the last four UN Arab human development reports, reflects upon what it would take for Egyptian women to rise
One feature stood out in The 2005 Arab Human Development Report, launched last year: the tendency to think of women as in possession of half a mind and half a creed, entitled to no more than half an inheritance and worthy of half, or rather one fourth of a man. In this, the fourth volume of a report designed to examine, analytically, the state of development across the Arab world, and to propose ways of removing the obstacles in its way, the topic is the injustice to which Arab women are subject and its impact on society at large. "Towards the Rise of Women in the Arab World" , the report's subtitle, reflects the purpose of its author's recommendations. According to Nader Fergany, "the title was carefully chosen; it is meant to indicate the need for women in the Arab world to rise, including non-Arab women [ethnic minorities or members of an imported workforce]. Nor is the idea to overlook or undermine success stories: "It's not about a few selected [or for that matter elected] prominent women who manage to rise. We're talking about all women, not a cosmetic token of womanhood."
On its launch, the report generated considerable, if short-lived, interest on the part of the press. In Egypt, the analysis and proposals solicited little attention, with some official and even non-governmental parties insisting that Egyptian women are not in fact lagging behind that much. Most conceded the belief shared by all relevant parties that women have a long way to go before they are treated as equal citizens but the general tone suggested that legal and social injustices listed in the report did not accurately reflect the reality of life in Egypt, where women are much better off than elsewhere in the Arab world, a response that resulted in the report receiving less attention than it deserved. For his part Fergany is convinced that, rather than painting an inaccurate picture of the status of women in Egypt, the report is in fact rather truthful. In Egypt as elsewhere in the Arab world, the proposed rising remains impossible, even despite the state championing reforms in the personal status law and facilitating access to education and healthcare for girls. Education, Fergany says, is a good example : Arab countries have made impressive achievements in the field of female education, so much so that in some small, rich states girls' enrolment rates are higher than boys', yet overall in the Arab world-Egypt being no exception -- there is an unmistakable denial of women's right to acquisition of knowledge and human capabilities. Fergany speaks of "a real scandal when it comes to female illiteracy -- women are just overlooked ."
Fergany points out that, within the schooling process itself, women are confined to contexts that do not afford the chance for upward mobility. He frets over female political representation and participation: "The laws are there but in reality levels of participation do not go beyond 10 per cent -- one of the lowest rates in the world. And in Egypt the situation is particularly depressing. It is not good enough to say we have the legislation; practising it is what counts." He refers, in particular, to the personal status arena, in which, though women have been granted legal rights, the conservative [chauvinistic] implementation of the laws in effect prevents access to the most significant of these . As the report indicates, the subjection of women is an undeniable part of a situation in which human rights violations prevail, in a region where military occupation and despotism are the norm and where women are systematically deprived of the ability to seek political or economic power. "This is precisely where 'the rise' defined by the report becomes essential, Fergany says, explaining that the principle rests on two objectives: allowing women the acquisition of capabilities; and placing them on an equal footing with men in terms of human rights as stipulated by international law. In this respect there is no contradiction, he insists, between the latter and Sharia (Islamic law). The rise of women is necessary for the rise of society, what is more -- a clear consequential link in this context , for the one has an effect on the other.
To live up to the recommendations of the report, a society must eliminate not only discrimination but intrusions on women's personal freedoms. No less than total equality is required: "I know this is a very ambitious definition, and not one necessarily embraced by all women or the best possible answer to the aspirations of women in Arab societies... But it is the only definition that will stimulate healthy, productive debate. There are two requirements for the effective adoption of the definition in question: democratisation and hence genuine faith on the part of societies in their governments; and ijtihad [innovative thinking in Islamic theology], allowing the inclusion of women in all aspects of society." The report, he says, is clear in stating that the reactionary interpretations of Islam produced under despotic regimes have considerably undermined women's rights ; an enlightened reading of the holy texts will never be encouraged by a despotic regime, and if religious scholars in the service of the government did produce new rulings, they are unlikely to be adopted by a people with little trust for the powers that be. For Fergany, indeed, it is the dual force of ultra-reactionary tendencies and dictatorial governance that has dealt a series of blows to the emancipation of women -- a movement that began in the late 19th and early 20th century. But Fergany is preaching neither revolution nor exclusion: it is rather dialogue and good governance that he promotes; and he is keen on including those parties representing political Islam so long as they communicate a clear commitment to social and political freedoms.
In the case of Egypt, for example, he says, the Muslim Brotherhood do need to exercise ijtihad and to grant the required reassurances in relation to women's and minorities' rights. "They need to acknowledge that the ultimate intent of Sharia is in harmony with the standards of human rights. Likewise constitutional amendments: they need to be tailored to agreement with, rather than evasion of, those standards. Nor is the role played by the media, whether state-owned or private, encouraging." Fergany believes there is not enough commitment on the part of any of the relevant parties to walk the path leading to the rise of women. "Without sacrifices by both men and women, " he says, "development will never be achieved."
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