The price of humiliation
It is constant injustice and the arrogance of power that create extremism, as the US is now learning in Iraq, writes
Sabry El-Shabrawy*
After the 1967 War was won by Israel the US joined forces in continuous efforts to humiliate and disregard Arab aspirations for legitimate self- determination and human rights. The stance of the US and Israel was manifest in their support for dictatorships and repressive governments in the Arab world, slighting Arab pride and dignity, a basic value in Arab culture and a significant element of the Arab mindset, most conspicuously present in Arab sentiment on the Palestinian issue.
By way of unconditional US support for Israel, Israel had a free hand in killing, suppressing, demolishing homes and raping the Arabs of their land and pride. At the height of this, we, the Arab students of the University of California, Berkeley, and at other American universities, were telling people that this arrogance of power would be ultimately self-destructive. In the 1990s, during an official meeting in Egypt with Benyamin Netanyahu, I personally told him that arrogance is self-destructive. The Jewish people in general, and the Israelis in particular, should have learned this from their experience in Germany.
During the 1960s and 1970s, and even until now, the US has been politically sensitive to all races, nationalities and minorities except the Arabs. They supported human rights in many areas of the world, again with the exception of the Arabs. We observed the humiliation of the Arabs who became the butt of jokes, cartoons, sneers and mockery in the US media. This media proved its lack of understanding of Arab heritage, which is based to a large extent on Islamic values that reinforce pride, dignity and generosity, and wherein lives can be sacrificed for honour. During this period many young Arabs were educated in the US and were subject to this humiliation. We used to advise our American friends that this would backfire, create bitter feelings with a carry- on effect, creating anti-American sentiment. But the influence of Israel inside the US was beyond control: fair and even-handed policymakers were suppressed and some lost their positions.
The lack of fairness and lack of human understanding for the Arab "nation" resulted in the assumption that Arabs were incapable of defending themselves. It was clear to these young, educated Arabs that continuous support for Israel and for dictatorships in the Arab world would create alienation and frustration for the people in the Arab world, who largely blame both the US and Israel for their oppression. The conversion of this oppression into extremism is substantially based on the concepts of pride and dignity, not only money and material gains. King Faisal is recorded to have said following the 1967 War: "we can forgo luxury and live in tents, eating milk and dates before we allow strong nations to push us around."
Adding to the frustration of the Arab people was their awareness that their vast oil wealth was being exploited by the very same countries that oppressed them. When Bush led the idea of promoting democratic change and removing dictatorships -- especially that of Saddam Hussein -- the Arab response was mostly favourable. Then, after the fall of Saddam Hussein, the US administration promoted the ideal of rebuilding Iraq; Iraq would turn into a model exemplifying the democratic process. Most of the Arab people hoped to see this model realised. To the disappointment of all, the US administration, with its arrogant thinking, placed the process of change in the hands of a few Americans who were either totally inexperienced or had limited experience; in addition they did not believe in or have respect for the indigenous leadership within Iraq or within neighbouring Arab countries.
With an erratic decision lacking strategic thinking, the Americans dismantled the army and the civilian technocracy of Baathist leanings, most of who were not Saddamists, but rather high calibre Iraqis. This action reflected the lack of trust between US decision-makers and Iraqi society. As a result, societal fragmentation and a political and security vacuum emerged. Destruction and corruption had to follow. The Iraqi army, dismantled by the US, had no other alternative but to fight the Americans as a means of survival. Consequently, rebuilding Iraq has proven an utter failure and there has been a loss of hope in US intentions. This also opened the road for external forces to interfere, to capitalise on the lack of efficacy in the US plan that has weakened military and political forces within Iraq and marginalised the role of neighbouring Arab countries. US hopes for building a democratic oasis appear now a mirage.
While a group of us were warning that these policies would generate fanaticism and extremism, the US was sunk in denial of the connection between both US and Israeli policies and the development of extremism, terrorism and fanaticism. This denial remains strong today.
Hizbullah fought for Arab pride and thus gained the support of the majority of Arabs. Iran took advantage of this situation to support its policies using Islamic power as a tool to achieve its own objectives, while the US continues to support the humiliation of the Palestinians and other Arab countries. They continue to deny the linkage between this humiliation and increased fanaticism and terrorism.
The irony is that Iraq is the ground on which a people the US humiliated yesterday humiliates the US today. It is a case that teaches -- or ought to -- powerful countries not to underestimate, abuse or take advantage of the weak, because justice and equity eventually prevail. The arrogance of power is self-destructive. The US should be awakened and return to its core values of freedom, justice and equity, and become again a source of enlightenment for the world.
* The writer is a member of the Shura Council.