Can it get any worse?

Is there a way out for the Iraqi government? Doaa El-Bey looks for an answer in this week's press

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The withdrawal of the Sunni Accordance Front from the Iraqi government left the latter in a difficult situation with nearly half of the cabinet not participating in meetings.

Abdel-Khalik Hussein wrote in the Iraqi daily Al-Rafidayn that the current Iraqi government headed by Nuri Al-Maliki is passing through a stifling crisis that could lead to its fall. He ascribed the failure of Maliki's government and all the governments that preceded it since the fall of Saddam Hussein to their need to represent conflicting sects and ethnic groups, and the lack of any political experience on the part of the leaders of the ruling political blocs concerned only with their own personal or partisan interests. Further, he wrote, they are now making use of Maliki's weakness in order to create a new reality on the ground that suits their interests and ambitions.

Looking for a solution to the present crisis, he ruled out that Maliki's resignation would resolve the problem, as any other government is likely to face the same or an even worse situation. Frankly speaking, Hussein added, Maliki managed, by declining to accept their resignation, to embarrass his opponents more than they embarrassed him. By so doing, he proved to the whole world that he wants to solve the problem while his opponents are trying to escalate the situation for personal gains at the expense of Iraq's national interests.

He suggested that Maliki should try to fill the vacancies in his government by independent technocratic experts who do not belong to any religious or ethnic sects.

Meanwhile, "if those who pulled out of the government want to save face and prove their loyalty to Iraq, they should form a constructive opposition front. But if they insist on destroying the present government by supporting armed insurgency, that would lead to complete political chaos not only for Maliki's government but for anybody who seeks Iraq's best interest," he concluded.

Ahmed Ibrahim Al-Rubaiee wrote in the same newspaper that by failing to take the simplest of decisions or achieve even the least progress, the present Iraqi government proved its absolute failure. Thus, it is now like a drowning person who is looking for a straw to save it after it missed the lifeboats of so-called national reconciliation or Operation Imposing Law. He expected that the government would face more crises and dilemmas if it did not change its policies.

Bassem Mohamed Habib does not regard the atrocities in Iraq as strange, as it faced similar situations before. But the reluctance of the Iraqi government and US troops to face up to these atrocities is incomprehensible. He thinks the Iraqi government should not only resort to diplomacy, but take other effective measures like calling for help from the UN Security Council and other international bodies. However, the failure of the Iraqi government left "Iraqi people between the hammer of supporters of neighbouring countries and the anvil of reluctant Iraqi politicians". In Al-Rafidayn , he called on all Iraqi leaders to resist regional interventions. Instead of asking neighbouring countries to stop allowing criminals to enter Iraq through its borders, Habib suggested that Iraq should use political procedures and establish an army able to enforce this.

While Habib suggested asking the help of the Security Council, Aisha Al-Murri, writing in the United Arab Emirates independent daily Al-Ittihad, casts doubt on the idea that the resolution giving the UN a bigger role in the economic, political, constitutional and legal fields in Iraq could improve the situation. While the resolution gives the UN a bigger role in some fields, it did not clarify the boundaries of its role especially if it conflicts with the US role. In addition, it did not give the UN any missions related to security, which is what is most needed.

"The US-UK search for an international way out for the Iraqi crisis is a repetition of what happened in Afghanistan where they succeeded in spreading the crisis to other states. The Afghan case has become a political and humanitarian crisis not only for US troops but for all the troops in Afghanistan. The scenario could be repeated in Iraq if the real reasons behind the conflict are ignored and a solution is reached by exporting the crisis," she wrote.

Amal Al-Sharqi wrote in the Jordanian Al-Arab Al-Yom that Iraq is facing two crises: one major and one minor. The major crisis is that of the occupation which has failed to meet its objectives. The other crisis is that of the government. The ministers who chose to withdraw from the government or abstain from attending the cabinet sessions are only resorting to tactics that guarantee that they would stay in the game without being part of Maliki's failing government. However, the occupation remains the real problem facing Iraq. "The government crisis will not be resolved whether Maliki stays or leaves. It is merely the outcome of the major crisis: the occupation," she wrote in the independent daily.

Jaber Habib Jaber ascribed the crisis in Iraq as being due mainly to the loss of confidence among the different parties. He declined to describe Iraq as a united or fragmented state, but as "a state that lost its way between unity and fragmentation. And the road to each option is clear but bumpy." However, he wrote in the London- based daily Asharq Al-Awsat, that Iraq is in need of an enlightened political group which stands up to the challenges, has confidence in itself and its ties to society and is ready to work for a better future. He questioned whether there is a group willing and able to take on that mission.

"A genuine solution to the Iraqi problem should be based on the rebirth of lost confidence or socially reproducing it. Politicians must restore the lost confidence ruling society now. Or else pack up and leave," he summed up.