Sunday,18 February, 2018
Current issue | Issue 1160, (15 - 21 August 2013)
Sunday,18 February, 2018
Issue 1160, (15 - 21 August 2013)

Ahram Weekly

Social media

How to end the pro-Morsi sit-in without blood

Ending the sit-ins by Mohamed Morsi supporters in the district of Rabaa Al-Adaweya and Al-Nahda Square was the biggest issue that Egyptians debated on social networks. The majority expressed concern that ending the sit-ins may result in a bloodbath.
Some of my good friends are there. I totally disagree with them but I’m afraid they could get hurt. We were brought up together, said Mohamed Omran.
Omran added that the Muslim Brotherhood is putting the lives of many Egyptians who love Islam in danger because they want to take back the power which they misused.
Ayman Mohamed said that ending the sit-in would not relieve Egypt of the problems caused by the Muslim Brotherhood, noting that ending poverty and reforming education would help people stop believing in extremism which all the Islamist parties have been promoting since the revolution of January 2011.
But Ashraf Salah said that excluding Islamists from political life and ending their sit-in by force would only complicate the process and will create resentment among millions of Egyptians who supported the Islamists.
Dialogue is the only solution. We have to fight beliefs with other beliefs, but force will only result in creating more radicals, Salah said.
Mustafa Khalil said that Islamists proved in the last three years they do not believe in sharing power or democracy so starting a dialogue with them would not solve anything because they want everything.
Egypt cannot be a religious state. Yes, Egyptians are by nature true believers but also by nature do not want to be ruled by a radical fascist religious group. 

Reconciliation a long, arduous process

Bassem Sabri argues in his blog “An Arab Citizen” that reconciliation with the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) is not an easy mission and requires the involvement of different actors in Egyptian society.
“There is a lot of talk about whether or not reconciliation in Egypt can actually take place, and the talk understandably focuses largely on whether or not the current administration — with the military at its heart, or head, depending on how you see it — would reconcile with the Brotherhood if there is such a mood on the other side as well. Critics argue that while the administration might be sounding many correct gestures and claims — including regularly reassuring inclusion and reconciliation while also allegedly offering cabinet positions to Brotherhood members — there are arrests and seemingly a legal witchhunt against the Brotherhood and allied Islamists. The critics further argue that if the current leadership in Egypt somehow decided behind the scenes that enough was enough, things would just cool down, the witchhunt would stop, the media in Egypt would tone down its obviously biased — read: vengeful — tone. But that perhaps misses at least some of the complexity of the situation.
What is important to note is that each of the current anti-Morsi groups seemingly has its own vendetta. The prosecutorial corps in particular has been up in arms against Morsi’s handpicked prosecutor-general and what his reign entailed. The private media has been furious — other than due to ideological enmity — from intimidations by Morsi and the Brotherhood against them, including the onslaught of ‘insulting the president’ and ‘contempt of religion’ charges as well as the regular siege of the media production city by Islamists, among others. The police are not exactly a friendly entity to the Brotherhood and Morsi either. The liberal and leftist parties, which mostly backed Morsi in his run against the secular opponent Ahmed Shafik who was seen as close to the former regime, now speak of Morsi as they speak of Hosni Mubarak, if not worse; and of the MB as they speak of the NDP, if not worse. There are even those in the state bureaucracy who resented what they saw as the ‘Brotherhoodisation’ of the state, namely the installation of Brotherhood members in key positions, perhaps regardless of qualification. Then there is the military, of course. But perhaps most importantly, the degree of popular outrage against the Brotherhood is apparently such that, if the reports some share are accurate, the grassroots anger and exclusionary sentiment towards the Brotherhood by even many normal people has become quite substantial — yesterday, a non-Cairene was claiming to me that Brotherhood-owned shops in his town were being attacked.
My point here is that there are many who have their own separate scores to settle. So, even if the country’s ‘leadership’ did decide to reconcile, it’s not necessarily a given the others would simply play along. Reconciliation in Egypt would be a long, difficult and multi-layered process.”


“I really don’t know anymore what to teach my daughter, to stand up for herself or just keep her head down to stay safe.”
@Mona Eltahawy

“Which countries would be hurt most if Egypt went back to its historical position as the main regional power?”

“Egypt’s revolution is a process, not an event.”
@Wael Aboulmagd

“Attacks on Egypt’s Christian churches increased under Morsi, not in response to his ousting as some Western media claim.”
@Adel Darwish

“Morsi supporters have detained journalist Aya Hassan, dragged her to Rabaa to frisk her under threat of violence.”

“Egyptians do not believe in extreme secularism that Ataturk promoted. How many want forced removal of hijab for example?”
“I don’t have to be politically correct when criticising crazy hallucinations, obsessive disorders, brain washing, paranoia, torture or murder.”
@Wael Nawara

“Break-up of Rabaa would result in collapse of SCAF. Death toll would have to be very high for that.”
@H.A. Hellyer
“It is depressing to see how many manipulative, one-sided and hateful tweets are written by Egyptians about other Egyptians every day.”


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