Wednesday,15 August, 2018
Current issue | Issue 1162, (29 August - 4 September 2013)
Wednesday,15 August, 2018
Issue 1162, (29 August - 4 September 2013)

Ahram Weekly

Social media

Less talk and more building

So what should we do now? This was the question the majority of Egyptians tried to answer this week in their debates on social networks. Following the forced end of pro-Mohamed Morsi sit-ins in Cairo’s Rabaa Al-Adaweya and Giza’s Nahda squares — along with the deaths of close to 1,000 people — many Egyptians hope the country will recover from the political and economic turmoil that the it has been reeling from since the Muslim Brotherhood took over.

“I think that now we should open a new page, leave everything behind us and start building this country,” said Yasmine Mahmoud. “The economy is down. The company which I work for has lost millions of dollars since 2011. We are shutting down in a few months.”

Ahmed Nabil commented, “I think we must stop spending most of our time talking about political issues and focus on our jobs instead. We need to do something for this country other than talking.”

Nabil added that most Egyptians spend all night watching political talk shows and wake up and go to work the next day talking about these talk shows.

“Now we have a roadmap that is guiding us to the revolution’s goals, so we need to focus on improving the economy and achieving social justice,” said Bahaa Mustafa.

Mustafa said the Egyptian government and political parties should invest all their efforts into improving the living conditions of the poor.

Amina Salem agreed with Mustafa, noting that the government has already started to attract investors from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait which, Amina added, would generate jobs that would help millions of youths live a better life.


The revolution is very much alive

In his blog, the Big Pharaoh states that the revolution is not dead but is in a coma, arguing that the turmoil that Egypt witnessed over the last few months is because of the failed policies of the military council, which ruled the country after the fall of the Mubarak regime:

“No. The revolution is not dead now because it has been dead, or at least in a coma, for two-and-a-half years. To be more precise, the revolution has been on pause mode from the day Tahrir protesters decided to clean the square and depart after Hosni Mubarak was gone. From that day, nothing of what was done served the revolution and its demands.

After Mubarak’s demise, the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) forged a pact with the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) to hand over the country to them in return for retaining the army’s managerial and financial autonomy. They were two giants trying to seek an informal agreement of power sharing. Back then the MB was the only organised and most powerful political force that was able to amass hundreds of thousands in Tahrir if SCAF did something it didn’t like. SCAF on the other hand did everything the MB asked for even if it was opposed by the pro-revolution camp which went from one clash to the other with the ruling junta. Despite a few ups and downs in their relationship, SCAF saw the Islamists as the only force that controlled the street and made sure not to upset them much. The MB on the other hand refrained from joining the revolutionaries’ fight against SCAF and never criticised the generals openly nor chanted the slogan its followers are chanting now: down with military rule.

When elections loomed, the MB tried to portray itself as the ‘custodian of the revolution’ who, unlike SCAF, will fulfil the revolution’s demands. Some in the pro-revolution camp believed the Brotherhood and voted for Mohamed Morsi. These are the ‘lemon squeezers’ — an Egyptian term referring to the act of forcing yourself to do something against your will, thus squeezing lemon on yourself to hide the taste. When the Muslim Brotherhood took the majority in parliament and Morsi reached the presidency, it was quite apparent the Brotherhood leaders were not interested in fulfilling the revolution’s demands as much as they were interested in strengthening their grip on the country. In order to do that, they tried to court Mubarak’s regime in order to make it work for the petty political interests of their organisation. The MB did not change Mubarak’s regime for the sake of the country; instead it tried to ‘Brotherhoodise’ it.

The revolution was neither served during SCAF nor the Muslim Brotherhood, even if the latter was elected. Saying that the revolution is now dead conveys a misunderstanding and ignorance of what has been happening in Egypt for the past two-and-a-half years.”



“It is important to understand why Egypt and revolutionaries failed to gain the sympathy of world public opinion.”

@Wael Nawara

“This country will always be doomed so long as we insist on blaming victims, not those who’ve transgressed against them.”

@Abdel-Rahman Hussein

“Freedom is never given by the oppressor: it must be demanded by the oppressed.”

@Yousif Almuhafda

“It will take Egypt years to undo the damage the Muslim Brotherhood did to the country over 85 years of cancerous secret underground operations.”


“The term ‘Arab Spring’ encapsulates a tendency to generalise by those who lack specific knowledge, especially about Egypt.”

@Salama Moussa

“Obama looked at Turkey and believed Islamists can have their own version of democracy, ignoring that it reflects decades of Western secularism.”

@Ahmed Mamdouh

 “The Saudi stance on Syria is intriguing and confusing. They want to defeat Assad and his Iranian backers, but don’t want the MB to win.”

@Nervana Mahmoud

“It is hard to have reconciliation with someone who killed our soldiers in daylight in cold blood.”

@Ahmed Mahmoud

“Arguing about ending pro-Morsi armed sit-ins is just crazy. Why do we want to destabilise our national security for the sake of protecting the rights of radical people who want to kill us?”

@Aymen Aziz


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