Al-Ahram Weekly Issue No. 251 14 - 20 December 1995
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

Strong control over government

Kamal El-Shazli, minister of state for parliamentary affairs and the NDP's assistant secretary-general, argues that the NDP's overwhelming majority in the People's Assembly will not weaken its control over government actions. He spoke to Gamal Essam El-Din

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Some analysts argue that the overwhelming NDP majority in the People's Assembly, and the weakness of the opposition, will impair the Assembly's control over government activities. How do you respond?

The control exercised by the People's Assembly over the government's performance is regulated by the constitution, the law and the Assembly's statues, as well as parliamentary tradition which has become established as part and parcel of the Assembly's method of action. For example, deputies are empowered to direct questions, requests for information and interpellations [to cabinet ministers] in order to ascertain the facts of a situation and bring ministers to account, if necessary. Moreover, draft laws and international agreements are referred by the government for careful scrutiny by the Assembly's specialised committees. Whenever necessary, fact-finding committees are established. The Assembly also has the responsibility of debating the government's annual policy statement and preparing a comprehensive report on it.

All these are methods of exercising control over the performance of the executive authority. All Assembly members, whether they belong to the majority or the opposition, are empowered to use these methods, which are sanctioned by the constitution, the law and the rules of the house.

In all democratic states, the majority party forms the government. That government is committed to carrying out the party's platform and is backed by its party members in parliament in doing so.

The claim that a big majority weakens parliamentary control has no basis in reality. The proof is that in previous parliaments, also with large majorities, many draft laws were modified by Assembly members, and cabinet ministers responded to many questions and requests for information submitted by deputies.

Why didn't the government accept international, or even local, observers to monitor the elections in order to ward off opposition charges of fraud?

Elections are an act of sovereignty. In other words, they are an internal event regulated by the constitution and the laws of the state where they are taking place. The presence of observers at elections in Algeria, some other African states and some member-states of the former Soviet Union, was at the request of those states themselves.

But in Egypt, we have constitutional and legislative stability, a free press and freedom of expression. There are no restrictions on publishing or movement or personal freedoms. Consequently, we consider any kind of observation, outside the framework of the constitution and the law, a violation of the sanctity of our citizen's rights and an attempt to exercise guardianship over the people of Egypt, who have acquired the necessary awareness and maturity to be able to distinguish for themselves between what is good and what is bad. The mere idea of having observers [at the elections] would be a violation of the constitutional and legal traditions that are enshrined in the souls of our people and which guide their thoughts and actions.

Many candidates, who stood as independents while nevertheless sympathising with the NDP, rushed to join or rejoin the majority party after winning seats in the new house. Isn't this action in violation of party commitments?

In my view, the large number of independents is a negative phenomenon in a country which has as many as 13 political parties, whose platforms range widely enough to cover the hopes and aspirations of all those who are interested in political, social, cultural or economic action. The NDP's platform, in particular, is comprehensive enough to cover all the elements of the political spectrum. Consequently, those who 'belong' to the party, not only by means of active membership but also by supporting the party's aims and believing in the party's performance, constitute almost the entire population of Egypt. So it's not surprising that there was an unprecedented number of candidates, averaging 10 for each seat. In announcing their candidature, the sweeping majority of independents affirmed their faith in the NDP's platform and their affiliation to the party, but it was not possible for the party to nominate all of them. Those who won have stuck to principles, which are the principles of the NDP, and chose not to renounce their party membership. Nevertheless, the party has taken action against some leaders who violated their party commitments.

Do you believe that the presence of several businessmen in the new Assembly is likely to affect the interests of workers and peasants?

The presence of businessmen, industrialists and other entrepreneurs in the Assembly will give an important section of society the opportunity to express itself. The person who owns a factory or a shop, and the people who work in that factory or shop are interdependent - each needs the other. On a wider scale, there can be no industry without a factory owner and factory workers, and there can be no agriculture without a landlord and hired labour. All are cooperating whether by contributing their money, effort or expertise in the production of a commodity or the provision of a service. There is no conflict of interest, in fact there is a consensus of interests.

Interview by Gamal Essam El-Din

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