Al-Ahram Weekly Issue 244 26 Oct. - 1 Nov. 1995
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

Continuing a series on the political parties contesting the November general elections, Amira Howeidy traces the roots of the Labour Party, chronicles its switch to an Islamist ideology, interviews its leader, Ibrahim Shukri, and sounds out political experts on the party's performance

Catching the Islamist train

When the Socialist Labour Party was founded by Ibrahim Shukri in 1978, with the backing of then President Anwar El-Sadat, it was widely believed that it would not amount to much more than a "loyalist opposition" to Sadat's own National Democratic Party (NDP). But Shukri, a socialist who had his roots in the radical Misr Al-Fatah (Young Egypt) Party, quickly broke loose from Sadat's attempt to control his new party, denouncing the peace treaty with Israel, which he had earlier supported, and opposing other government policies and actions.

"President Sadat had hoped that the Labour Party would always support the government, and not display any opposition. This explains his anger," Shukri wrote in the party's mouthpiece, Al-Shaab, in response to Sadat's criticism of Labour in a speech to the People's Assembly in 1981. He went on to list Labour's differences with government policy: "The party had to take a clear stand against many freedom-restricting laws, such as the law of ethics and the press freedom law. We also had to object to normalising relations with Israel and to urge Egypt to retract its endorsement of the Camp David agreements."

But Labour, which at that time included a spectrum of ideologies ranging from Nasserism to socialism to radical nationalism, lacked an organisational infrastructure and did not represent a cogent, let alone weighty, political force.

In 1984, after Adel Hussein, a Marxist convert to Islamist activism became a member, the party underwent major upheavals which led to a virtual Islamist takeover. "At that time, the party suffered from ideological confusion," Hussein told the Al-Ahram Weekly, "There was no general agreement on the Islamic framework or the need to comply with Shari'a. Some wanted to raise the banner of Islam, some did not believe in Islam at all, and others did not really know what they wanted."

Analysts agree that Hussein's arrival shook the very foundations of the party's structure, dividing members into pro-Islamist and pro-socialist factions. Other members simply left the party.

"We did not force anyone out," insists Hussein. "Everything was done democratically. Otherwise people could have resorted to the law. What happened was that the majority of members found the new line more representative of what they wanted. It also won new members who were looking for an Islamic party."

In the 1984 People's Assembly, the party had four MPs - all appointed by Sadat. Labour had failed to qualify for parliament because its candidates won less than the eight per cent of the national vote required by law at the time. But in the 1987 elections, and after forging an alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood and the Liberal Party, Labour won 21 seats in the Assembly (plus 36 for the Brotherhood running on the Labour ticket), making it the largest opposition force in the House and earning Shukri the title of "opposition leader".

A comparison of the party's 1984 and 1987 manifestos provides a clear picture of Labour's switch to Islamism. The 1984 programme mentioned that the party has its roots in Young Egypt, denounced a "consumer-oriented" infitah (economic open door policy), but supported a "production-oriented" infitah. Advocating Arab unity, it called for the creation of a united Arab states and for the strengthening of the Arab League as a first step. The platform also emphasised social justice by linking wages and pensions to the cost of living.

But in the coalition's current programme, there is no mention of social justice, a united Arab states or the Arab League. However, there is a provision that Arab integration and cooperation with Islamic states in every domain is essential for Egyptian national security. Non-alignment is also considered necessary for an Islamic resurgence, while Zionism is branded as "our most dangerous enemy".

The Brotherhood's entry into the party drove more members out and some of them decided to take legal action against the Labour leadership. They were led by Abul-Fadl El-Gizawi, a lawyer who filed a suit contesting the legality of the coalition. Other members held their own meeting and passed resolutions holding Shukri accountable for infringement of the party's principles.

But this internal crisis did not trigger the party's collapse, as some had predicted, because new members came forward. And the coalition did not end after the 1987 election but, according to Shukri, continued in the 1989 Shura Council elections and the 1992 local council elections. Gradually, the party's Islamist line became even more radical and Al-Shaab began to adopt a harsh tone in criticising government policies. It also opened its pages to Brotherhood leaders.

There are doubts, however, that the Labour-Brotherhood alliance will continue in the run-up to the November elections. The abolition of the slate system and the return to individual candidacy has made the coalition redundant, analysts believe.

"Labour and the Brotherhood are two independent entities," Hussein explained. "But the fact remains that we are both part of the Islamic trend and both riding the same train. We support and strengthen each other. In the same context, we encourage all other Islamic institutions such as Al-Azhar and any peaceful Islamic activity."

1995 elections

Labour is nominating around 120 candidates in the November elections. The Brotherhood is fielding around 160, including 16 detainees facing trial. Some Labour and Brotherhood candidates may find themselves vying for the same seat.

Shukri is running in Sherbin, Adel Hussein in Nasr City and Abdel-Hamid Barakat in Imbaba. The Labour candidates include two Copts and two women.

1995 platform

Based on the 1987 programme, this year's platform focuses on "comprehensive reform from an Islamic perspective", according to Magdi Qorqor, the party's assistant secretary-general. The platform calls for the amendment of the constitution to emphasise Egypt's Arab-Islamic identity and provide clear demarcation lines between the executive, legislative and judicial authorities. It also calls for lifting restrictions on the freedom of expression.

Declaring opposition to terrorism and all forms of armed violence, the programme recommends greater democracy as the best means of dealing with the problem. It also urges the increase of wheat production to achieve self-sufficiency, and recommends agricultural cooperation with Sudan.

Funding

According to Qorqor, the party's main source of funds is the annual membership subscription of LE1. Like other parties, Labour receives an annual grant of LE100,000 from the Shura Council. The party has also made money by selling pilgrimage visas to Saudi Arabia, which they were allocated by the government, thus realising an annual profit of LE150,000. But the practice ended this year because the party was not allocated any visas.

Membership

According to party officials, Labour has approximately 400,000 members.

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