Al-Ahram Weekly Issue No. 245 2 - 8 November 1995
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

Seeking a new style

Dubbed "the red major" by the Western press, Khaled Moheiddin was a leading member of the Free Officers Movement that overthrew the monarchy in July 1952. After the downfall of king Farouk, Moheiddin became a member of a 12-man Revolution Command Council that was established to run state affairs and steer the transition to a new republican regime.

But his membership of this collective leadership was short-lived. He resigned in 1954 as a result of differences with Gamal Abdel-Nasser and the rest of the Command Council over the choice between democratic or an authoritarian system of government. Having backed the democratic option, and failed, he went to self-imposed exile in Europe.

At the end of 1955, he was invited back to Egypt by Abdel-Nasser to launch a leftist evening newspaper, Al-Messa. He was dismissed from his post as the newspaper's editor-in-chief in 1958, after El-Messa supported Iraq's Abdel-Karim Qassem.

In 1976, Moheiddin established the Tagammu Party and has remained its leader since then. Representing the constituency of his native village, Kafr Shukr, in the 1990-1995 People's Assembly, Moheiddin was also leader of the parliamentary opposition. Now 73, he is the only member of the Revolutionary Command Council to have remained active in politics.

How are the approaching elections different from previous ones?

A large number of political parties are contesting these elections at a time when the nation is facing several crises: the crisis of terrorism, the economic crisis, the crisis of the press law.

And although the government says that the economic difficulties are behind us, we believe that the social, economic and political conditions remain harsh. There are many real conflicts which will be reflected in the election battle.

How will these differences affect the Tagammu Party?

There are new problems and issues that must be dealt with. In the 1984 elections, the problem of unemployment had not yet been felt as strongly, but now it is being liquidated.

New issues have imposed themselves and they need to be addressed.

Many believe that Tagammu's policy underwent a basic change in 1990, when the party decided to contest the elections of that year, which other parties boycotted. How true is this?

Some people believe that the fact that we took part in those elections means that we are no longer really opposition. But we certainly take an opposition position in parliament.

We opposed the government's policy statements, we opposed the state budget, we opposed all the basic laws, including the public sector law, the professional syndicates law and the press law.

But we were a minority in parliament and, in order to make our voice heard, we had to use a new method of opposition. We did not explode issues, but we took positions on issues.

How was the party affected by the collapse of the Soviet Union?

How can you preach socialism to the people after the collapse of world socialism? You have to go on speaking to the people about social justice and curtailing capitalism. But you must speak in a new style that is in line with the new situation.

This is why some people think that we modified our programme. But we have not changed, we have not renounced any of our basic ideas, such as social justice. We are dealing with them in a way that is in line with the new situation.

Is Tagammu projecting itself as a party that is democratic and progressive rather than socialist?

No, we are a socialist party. Socialism is our principal objective but this is not the time to deal with it.

When Tagammu was established in 1976, it was a coalition of leftists. But now that the Nasserists have their own party, what is the structural framework of Tagammu?

Tagammu included Nasserists, Marxists, the enlightened religious trend that is democratic and socialist, and Arab nationalists. These groups could not survive together if they did not cooperate. But this does not negate that right of all forces to have their own independent parties. We have cooperated closely with the Nasserist Party since its establishment.

Does Tagammu have an independent ideology?

Of course. We have our own platform that accommodates all leftist trends. Ideologically speaking, Tagammu is a coalition, but since we have a platform, it is also a party.

How do you assess Tagammu's success hitherto?

We have not faced any major division or internal crises. But society's move to the right is a different story. We are at some distance from the public because, from the beginning, we did not suggest a specific form of socialism.

How is Tagammu different from the other political parties?

We act according to a specific programme. We are the only party in Egypt that has published a programme. We always commit ourselves to a programme.

Unlike the Italian communist party, which managed to raise sufficient funds to run its election campaign, Tagammu has not succeeded in winning over Egyptian businessmen. Why?

Because of a misunderstanding of Tagammu's position on the private sector. Tagammu is not against the private sector, but it supports the productive private sector. We are opposed to the parasitic enterprises which the government encourages.

A second reason is the leftist ideology of Tagammu. Our party is on the side of workers, peasants and low-income groups. We oppose exploitation, parasitism and monopolies.

What is Tagammu's sources of finance?

Donations, mainly from national capitalists, who do no exploit the masses.

What is Tagammu's strength in the coming elections?

We are a socialist party that is preoccupied with ideology and not with elections.

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