![]() |
Al-Ahram Weekly Issue No. 243 19 - 25 October 1995 |
||
| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
|||
Under the liberal banner
Saad Zaghloul
Mustafa El-Nahhas
The Wafd Party, a staunch advocate of political and economic liberalism, occupied the centre stage of domestic politics between two revolutions that shaped Egypt's modern history - the 1919 Revolution against the British and the 1952 Revolution that overthrew the monarchy. Suppressed - along with other opposition parties - for a quarter of a century by post-revolutionary governments, the Wafd staged a comeback in 1978 when the nation reverted to the multi-party system. Fouad Serageddin, Wafd secretary general at the time of the party's dissolution in 1952, assumed the leadership of the refounded party.
Since its establishment by Saad Zaghloul in 1919 to lead the struggle for Egypt's liberation from British domination, the Wafd struggled to curtail the power of the monarchy, advocated democracy and free enterprise and laid an emphasis on Muslim-Christian unity. But, ironically, it was laid open to allegations of collaboration with Britain when a Wafdist government was imposed on the king by the occupation forces in 1942. Moreover, by including a diversity of social classes with conflicting interests within its ranks, the party was prone to internal splits, with Makram Ebeid leading a major defection shortly after the 1942 government was established.
Before the 1952 Revolution, the Wafd swept to one massive parliamentary election victory after another. But since its comeback, its representation in parliament has been limited: it won 56 seats in the 1984 elections and 35 in 1987. The major criticism currently leveled against the Wafd is that it has failed to adapt itself to modern political life, mainly as a result of its opposition to the 1952 Revolution. This charge is rejected by party officials.
The Wafd, meaning delegation, was named after the Egyptian delegation, led by Zaghloul, that traveled to Paris to plead Egypt's case for independence before the Versailles conference that shaped a new world order at the end of World War I. The Wafd gained legitimacy because Zaghloul managed to collect tens of thousands of signatures on petitions from all over Egypt, declaring to the British that he was the representative of the Egyptian people.
Although Zaghloul's mission in Paris ended in failure, it nevertheless aroused national awareness and anti-British sentiment. Britain reacted by sending Zaghloul and some of his colleagues into exile in Malta. This action triggered the 1919 Revolution. Three years later Britain, in collaboration with the royal palace, issued a unilateral declaration of Egypt's independence, which was followed by the promulgation of the 1923 Constitution.
Although this constitution provided for a parliamentary system of government, it empowered the king to appoint the prime minister, dismiss the cabinet and postpone elections. In the first elections after the declaration, the Wafd was swept to power, gaining 195 seats out of 214. But Zaghloul's government survived for only 11 months, until November 1924. It resigned after Zaghloul rejected a British ultimatum demanding the Egyptian army's withdrawal from Sudan following the assassination of Sudan's British governor, Sir Lee Stack Pasha.
New elections were held in March 1925 and the Wafd again won a sweeping majority. But the Wafdist government resigned the following year and was replaced by a coalition between the Wafd and the Liberal Constitutionalists because Zaghloul did not wish to be dragged into another confrontation with the British. Adli Yakan, a Liberal Constitutionalist, formed the coalition government while Zaghloul was elected speaker of the House of Representatives. In April 1927, Yakan resigned and was replaced by Abdel-Khalek Sarwat.
Zaghloul died the same year, and the Wafd elected Mustafa El-Nahhas as his successor. Britain reacted by suspending talks with the Egyptian government, forcing Sarwat to resign.
A second coalition was formed between the Wafd and the Liberal Constitutionalists, with El-Nahhas heading the government. But it was dismissed by King Fouad after barely three months in office. A new government was formed in June 1928 from which the Wafd was excluded. But the Wafd won a sweeping majority again in the December 1929 elections, gaining 212 seats, with other parties and independents winning 23. El-Nahhas formed the government but resigned six months later because the palace opposed a Wafd-proposed law on the impeachment of cabinet ministers.
Ismail Sidki formed a pro-palace government which replaced the 1923 Constitution with the 1930 Constitution, giving the king even greater powers. As a result, the Wafd, as well as the Liberal Constitutionalists, boycotted elections held in 1931.
Sidki remained in office until the 1936 elections, when the Wafd again won a majority. El-Nahhas formed a new government which signed the 1936 Alliance and Friendship Treaty with Britain. The Wafd viewed the treaty as a step towards complete independence because it restricted the British military presence to the Suez Canal zone and the main cities.
El-Nahhas resigned in July 1937 following King Fouad's death and Farouk's accession to the throne. He was asked to form a new government, but it lasted for only five months before being dismissed as a result of a dispute within the Wafd over generating electricity from the Aswan reservoir. The split, which caused the expulsion of some Wafdists, highlighted the gap between lower middle class and "aristocratic" party members.
In the 1938 elections, the Wafd failed to win a majority and successive short-lived governments were formed by non-Wafdist Mohamed Mahmoud, Ali Maher - who antagonised the British by refusing to declare war on the Axis powers - Hassan Sabri and Hussein Serry. With the Axis forces advancing in the Western Desert, Britain decided that Egypt required a stable government and that this could be achieved only if the Wafd was restored to power. A British ultimatum was served to King Farouk threatening to dethrone him unless he complied. Tanks were dispatched to surround Abdin Palace to ensure his acquiescence. As a result, El-Nahhas formed a new government on 4 February 1942. This was Britain's most flagrant intervention in Egyptian politics, and it exposed El-Nahhas to accusations of collaboration.
The new government dismissed several administrative officials, replacing them with Wafdists. Makram Ebeid, then finance minister, objected to this and attacked Wafd policies. As a result El-Nahhas resigned, only to form another cabinet, and Ebeid was expelled from the party. Ebeid later established his own party, Al-Kutla Al-Wafdiya (Wafdist bloc) and published his famous "black book" accusing El-Nahhas of corruption.
With the end of World War II, British support for the Wafd also ended and the El-Nahhas government was dismissed. After the Wafd's exclusion from power for five years El-Nahhas formed his last government in 1950 and, ironically, in 1951, abrogated the very treaty he had concluded with Britain. It was a period of massive unrest, including an uprising against the British in Ismailia and widespread arson in Cairo on 26 January, 1952. The government was dismissed and martial law was imposed.
After the nation switched to a multi-party system under President Anwar El-Sadat, a law governing the formation of new parties was passed in 1977. The Wafd staged a comeback. With three parties already in existence - Mamdouh Salem's Misr Arab Socialist party, the Tagammu, led by Khaled Mohieddin and Mustafa Kamel Murad's Socialist Liberals - the Wafd obtained a license from the special Committee on Political Parties in February 1978. But this was possible only because the Wafd altered its pre-revolution platform to conform with the new law.
Sadat seemed to have second thoughts a few months later, issuing a decree prohibiting those who had held high positions before the revolution from political party membership. The decree appeared to be directed personally against Wafd leader Fouad Serageddin and Secretary-General Ibrahim Farag. In reaction, the Wafd decided to "freeze" its activities. Serageddin and many other prominent political figures from the opposition were jailed by Sadat one month before his assassination in October 1981.
Two years later, the Wafd decided to resurrect itself, but this time faced opposition from the Committee on Political Parties, which argued that in view of the "freeze" decision, the party must apply for a new license. The Wafd went to the administrative court which ruled in its favour in October 1983, making it possible for it to contest elections the following year.
In the 1984 elections, which were won by the ruling National Democratic Party, the Wafd, in tacit alliance with the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, was the only opposition party that managed to gain representation, winning 57 seats - a 12.72 per cent share. In the 1987 elections, the Wafd lost its status as the leading opposition force in the People's Assembly, winning 35 seats compared to 60 captured by the Labour-Muslim Brotherhood alliance. The Wafd along with other opposition parties, with the exception of Tagammu, boycotted the 1990 elections.
"We will contest the coming elections because Egypt is passing through a very critical stage and the boat is about to sink," said Ibrahim Dessouki Abaza, the Wafd's assistant secretary-general. According to Abaza, the party will employ "new propaganda techniques used for the first time in Egypt, but we are not revealing our cards yet." The party decided to use these techniques, he said, "because all we are allowed by the government is 80 minutes of television time. The use of posters and placards is forbidden, as well as other forms of campaigning."
The Wafd's senior members are said to include affluent businessmen and landowners opposed to the principles of the 1952 Revolution. But this was denied by No'man Goma'a, the party's deputy leader. "We respect the 23rd of July [Revolution] because it is part of Egyptian history. Neither are we hostile to the revolution's leaders, but we differ with them on the scope of its achievements."
Platform
Although the party has its roots in pre-1952 Egypt, its officials insist that their platform deals with contemporary issues. With political reform the cornerstone of their programme, Serageddin has repeatedly demanded a new constitution, making the election of the president of the republic by direct ballot instead of a yes-or-no national referendum, and for one term only, and giving parliament greater powers to monitor public expenditure. The party also believes that parliamentary elections should be supervised by a neutral government.The party champions a market economy, demanding that private enterprise should be encouraged and that restrictions on investments be lifted. But it also demands that monopoly should not be tolerated, unemployment fought and wages linked to prices. The party also urges the amendment of tax legislation to ensure greater justice for taxpayers.
The Wafd calls for the removal of all restrictions on press freedom and the establishment of political parties, greater civil liberties and a strict separation of power.
In foreign policy, the party advocates Arab unity and backs the government's efforts to remove weapons of mass destruction from the Middle East and protect the rights of the Palestinians. The party opposes the Khartoum regime of Gen. Omar Al-Bashir and believes that any threat to the supply of Nile water to Egypt should be met with serious action.
Funding
Party officials claim that the Wafd is the only opposition party that is financially independent. They say funding is provided by membership fees, which may be as high as LE5,000 for senior members, and by donations and profits accrued by the party's newspaper. A more detailed breakdown of financial resources was not available.Membership
An exact figure for party membership is also unavailable, but officials estimate membership at half a million.Headquarters
The Wafd Party headquarters is a villa in Dokki, reportedly bought for LE19 million.
| ARCHIVES Letter from the Editor Editorial Board Subscription |
WEEKLY ONLINE: www.ahram.org.eg/weekly Updated every Saturday at 11.00 GMT, 2pm local time weeklyweb@ahram.org.eg |
Al-Ahram Organisation |