After the bombings
Events in Tel Aviv should drive home the truth that armed force will never solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, writes Ibrahim Nafie
Nearly six weeks of calm were shattered earlier this week when two Palestinians blew themselves up in a bus station in Tel Aviv, killing 23 and wounding over a hundred. The incident also took the wind out of the sails of the Likud government's boast that its aggressive security policy, being implemented under the supervision of Minister of Defense Shaul Mofaz, was working successfully.
The Palestinian Authority (PA) immediately denounced the operation in no uncertain terms. It vehemently condemned the double suicide bombing as a terrorist act that targeted innocent civilians and foreign workers, and pledged to take firm and rapid measures to apprehend the perpetrators and bring them to justice. However, this response made little difference to the Israeli government, whose reaction was to unleash a new wave of terror and collective punishment. Once again, it stepped up its campaign of assassinations and the demolition of Palestinian houses, instituted measures to restrict the freedom of movement of Palestinian officials and citizens, prohibited the meeting of the PLO Central Council scheduled for Thursday and prohibited the Palestinian delegation from flying to London to attend the conference on Palestinian reform called by British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
Opinions have varied over the possible repercussions of the operation in Tel Aviv. They differ, for example, over whether or not it will harm the prospects of the Likud Party led by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in the forthcoming elections in Israel. Some argue that, coming as it did only a few weeks before the Knesset elections -- the first to be held following the abolition of the electoral law providing for the direct election of the prime minister -- the double suicide bombing will remain lodged in the minds of the electorate as a reminder of the futility of the current government's policy of relying on force to bring security to the Israeli people. Others maintain that the operation has rescued Likud from the repercussions of the recent scandal surrounding the preparation of the Likud Party electoral lists. The popularity of Likud has plummeted over the past few weeks as details have emerged of bribery, vote purchasing and other financial irregularities, in which a number of prominent personalities, most notably Omri Sharon, son of the prime minister, were involved. The Tel Aviv bombings, this body of opinion argues, will divert Israeli public opinion away from investigations into corruption in the ranks of the Likud Party and focus it on the question of security.
That the Sharon government was the foremost agent responsible for this latest outbreak in the violence seems obvious. Touting the cessation of Palestinian suicide operations as proof of the success of a belligerent policy of repression aimed at uprooting terrorism and preventing infiltration into Israel was almost to beg for a response. Simultaneously, that government sought to undermine Egyptian mediation efforts with the various Palestinian factions, whose unification, even over the need to maintain calm, is the last thing Likud wants. Sunday's double suicide bombing in Tel Aviv put paid to the delusions behind that government's security policies and exposed its smug complacency.
There is not a shadow of a doubt that the recent operation was a response to the unremitting brutality employed by the occupation forces against the Palestinian people. It was a response to the daily demolition of people's homes under various pretexts. Either these were the homes of individuals involved in terrorist operations, or they were used to store weapons, or they contained entrances to underground tunnels used for smuggling arms, the government claimed. However, whatever the excuse employed, the fact remains that the demolition of homes is a form of collective punishment prohibited under international law. In practical terms, such actions are certain to instill long-lasting and bitter rancour among broad sectors of Palestinian youth, driving some Palestinian young people to contemplate violent forms of retaliation.
Contrary to the current Israeli government's way of thinking, the events in Tel Aviv last Sunday should drive home a fundamental truth: the use of armed force will never solve the conflict, and it will never bring security to either side. The security of the Palestinian people and the security of the Israeli people are inextricably intertwined. There can be no such thing as Israeli security as long as Israeli occupation forces continue their murder, maltreatment and degradation of the Palestinian civilian population under occupation. Either there is security for both sides, or there is no security for either side: there must be a reciprocal commitment to building security. It is on the basis of this conviction that I have proposed a three-pronged process whereby the restoration of calm is linked to the reform of the PA and to the resumption of negotiations. I have further stressed that the Arabs and the US should guarantee the maintenance of calm on both the Palestinian and Israeli sides.
Egypt could not have done more to fulfil its part of the bargain, having spoken with various Palestinian parties and hosted a dialogue between Palestinian factions aimed at formulating a consensus on a clear course of action. Egypt's efforts, I believe, would have paid off had the US taken firm action to restrain Israeli aggression.
It is now imperative that the US come to terms with the reality that Israel can no longer be allowed free rein to wreak violence against the Palestinian people while expecting them to remain calm. Both Israel and the US must come to realise that the systematic assassination of Palestinian leaders, the demolition of homes and other acts of repression and collective punishment will not break the Palestinian spirit of resistance or bring security to the Israeli people.
Unfortunately, the brutality of the response of the current Israeli government to the recent attack in Tel Aviv indicates that it is still clinging to the arrogance and folly of using military might and heavy-handed, provocative measures of repression. In this regard, one notes that Israeli sources have reported that Foreign Minister Benyamin Netanyahu has called for the expulsion of Yasser Arafat, a potentially incendiary move that was only rejected by Sharon at the behest of US Secretary of State Colin Powell who also urged Sharon to exercise restraint in his reaction to the Tel Aviv operation. In short, the Israeli government is still prey to the delusion that it can bring security to the Israeli people, while ignoring the Palestinian side of the equation. Persisting in this blinkered approach will only aggravate the situation in both the occupied territories and inside Israel.
However, in spite of this bleak prognosis, Egypt remains determined to do its part in promoting PA political and financial reform and in guaranteeing calm on the Palestinian side. In addition to the dialogues it has hosted between the Palestinian factions, President Mubarak, during his recent meeting with Tony Blair in Sharm El-Sheikh, stated that Egypt would have no objection to sending an Egyptian delegation to the conference scheduled to be held in London on 13 and 14 January 2003. However, he said that Egypt would only be able to participate in discussions on security, since the Foreign Ministry will be involved in meetings having to do with the Sudan at that time.
Egypt's efforts emanate from a firm belief in a comprehensive, integrated approach to resolving the current impasse in the Middle East conflict. It is, therefore, doing its utmost to help pave the way for the work of the Quartet mediating team, consisting of representatives from the US, the EU, Russia and the UN, which is scheduled to begin following the forthcoming Israeli elections. The American designed "roadmap" that the Quartet hopes to implement calls for a halt to all Israeli settlement activity and the creation of a mechanism for the resumption of negotiations that will lead to the creation of an independent Palestinian state by 2005.
However, it must be stressed that such a mechanism will only stand a chance of leading to a political settlement that will pave the way to a comprehensive peace if the Israeli government formed following the next Knesset elections possesses the appropriate political will. So far, the indicators have not been favourable. The current Likud government has demonstrated no desire to pursue a political settlement, and if recent opinion polls in Israel are accurate the next government will also be Likud. Such a government is certain to present the most formidable obstacle to the implementation of the Quartet's "roadmap", if we are to judge from the actions of the current one.
This is the government that has hampered the ability of the PA to fulfil its dual task of maintaining calm and instituting reforms. In the past, it has deliberately humiliated the PA leadership and undermined the credibility of the PA leadership by targeting members of Palestinian organisations for assassination and subjecting the Palestinian populace as a whole to systematic repression, and most recently it has unleashed a fresh onslaught of terror, prohibited the meeting of the Palestinian central committee and, ironically, forbade the Palestinian delegation to travel to London expressly for the purpose of instituting reforms. It has also obstructed the Palestinian elections and refused to release funds earmarked for the PA and essential to the process of reform.
The arrogance and designs of the current Israeli government are also evident in its spurious allegation that the PA is involved in terrorist activities. Typifying the attitudes of this government was the Israeli foreign minister's response to British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw's question regarding whether the Palestinian delegation would be allowed to participate in the London conference. Netanyahu answered, "We must keep in mind US President Bush's principle not to let people involved in terrorism take part in any political process." He added, "There are terrorist leaders in our region and Arafat is teaching his people how to become martyrs. At the same time, you want some of these people to be sent to London to talk about imaginary reforms. Reforms must be made here, not in London."
In a single breath, the Israeli foreign minister leveled a false charge of terrorism against PA leaders and scoffed at British efforts to promote Palestinian reform. The Israeli right must desperately want British intercession to fail. But then, Netanyahu must still be smarting from his inability to meet with the British prime minister while in the UK two weeks ago, and the Israeli right as a whole must still be furious at the warm welcome given to Israeli Labour Party leader Amram Mitsna during his recent visit to the UK.
Lasting security for both the Israelis and Palestinians can only be achieved through a political settlement that will lead to peace. Such a settlement must be reached through negotiations. Unless the political forces in Israel, especially the political right, also reach this conviction, both sides will remain condemned to the ongoing cycle of violence and counter-violence. I, therefore, stress again that the key to the beginning of the road resides in a restoration of calm guaranteed by both the Arabs and the US, after which it will be possible to work in tandem on PA reform and a political settlement. The process of negotiation is the only avenue to viable peace, stability and security for all peoples in the region.
Al-Ahram Weekly Online : 9 - 15 January 2003 (Issue No. 620)
Located at: http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/620/op1.htm