Requisites of reform
There is much more to reform than merely replacing the horse that is pulling the cart, cautions Mustafa El-Feki*
In light of the unprecedented instability in the region and in the international sphere, there has recently been considerable talk about reforming Arab regimes. Meanwhile, chaos prevails in international relations, as a single power works to unilaterally rearrange the world order, making it virtually impossible to predict what will happen next. We had thought that the world was entering an epoch of democratic international relations and a balance between the interests of big and small powers -- between the North and the South, and the East and West. However, even the most cursory glance at the international stage reveals a strikingly different situation.
Conflicts rage, confrontations are ubiquitous and crises exercise a paralysing effect; meanwhile, there is talk about the importance of economic, political, and even cultural and social reform in the Middle East. The reason for such discussion: the connection being made between the phenomenon of terrorism and certain regimes in the Arab and Muslim worlds. The nature of this relationship is unclear, but it seems to me possible that it is not a causative one. Thus, the defects of the regimes are not the catalysts behind an increase in terrorism, but rather flawed governments and terrorism exist parallel to one another. This comes as no surprise since both emerge from oppression, poverty and ignorance. Nonetheless, the question remains: should Arab countries' responsiveness to the idea of reform -- particularly in light of its source, motivation and goals -- need to be reconsidered?
Some observers, myself included, believe that reform should be an ongoing process everywhere -- not just in the Middle East. In recent years, thousands of voices have called for reform as well as the adoption of policies and programmes directed at this goal. Proponents of such change do not see the need to import new concepts about this issue, but rather a need to implement available ideas. Dusting off previously shelved ideas and rearranging priorities, which could foster a soul-searching dialogue on change, is preferable to reacting to directives coming from abroad at a time of extraordinary conditions and differing visions of the future of the Arab and Muslim regions.
Discussion of regime reform, requires addressing a number of issues. First, comprehensive reform at times requires replacing some leaders, although reform does not stop there. What is crucial is changing policies, developing mechanisms and ensuring the clarity and transparency of programmes. And, it should be acknowledged that changing the horses that are pulling the cart should be done using legitimate means. Hence, the crux of the matter is not changing faces, but changing the discourse, ideology and tools of confrontation. Such reform, too, should follow a country's constitution.
Second, using political and economic institutions as tools to bring about reform will be ineffective without an atmosphere that is conducive to change. Philosophy should precede institution-building. We have witnessed many Arab countries create councils and organisations without changing the general environment in which they operate, resulting in insignificant results, if any. The presence of a strong public opinion that depends primarily on the middle class is essential, because that class represents the conscience of the people and the nation.
Third, culture, education and media play effective roles in shaping the public's consciousness and political maturity. These are determining factors in the reform process, and anyone who believes that the cultural element is unimportant is subverting the peoples' identity to the core. Those who do not feel that education is a necessity in the contemporary world do not realise that modernising education systems is equivalent to modernising the mind. Education also has a huge impact on culture and scientific research. As for the media, it is an overwhelming monster that shapes and changes minds as well as reorganising priorities.
In the Arab world, we complain about a loss of credibility and lack of transparency. Therefore it is no surprise that talk of reforming Arab regimes is closely connected with cultural, educational and media issues because these are the channels through which to receive spiritual principles and religious beliefs. If Islam appears to those who do not understand it well as an immediate danger, the media and education organisations can help present the real picture through interaction with religious institutions that have a responsibility to fight fanaticism.
Fourth, the modern methods of managing a state are neither complicated nor obscure, but are rooted in an enlightened political will. We need only look at small African countries across the continent that implemented successful democracies and enjoy the peaceful rotation of power. But where does the Arab world stand with respect to such goals? I must admit that there are some Arab countries that are trying, and some who have even succeeded in taking steps towards modernising the state and administration, while improving their citizens' lives. However, considerable work is needed before we achieve real political participation and proper democracy embodied in what we call a state of law.
The real measure of advancement is no longer limited to military might, economic success or a technological edge, but also includes political representation of the "street", freedoms and a general atmosphere that ensures continuity and paves the way for a society that respects democracy, human rights, minorities and the environment.
Fifth, another conundrum is linking regime reform and a solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict -- both elements of a complicated equation. As Arabs, we have delayed democratisation, development and modernisation in all spheres of life as we await a peace that has not arrived -- and may not even be within reach. This is one of the reasons the Arabs have been unable to achieve a strategic edge or stand on equal footing with Israel. It's as if we halted the means while waiting for the end, and allowed the vicious cycle of the Middle East conflict to work against us rather than for us. We must therefore admit that we have failed in managing the conflict for several reasons, the most important of which is that we did not decide to take the correct path of progress, comprehensive development and real democracy.
I believe that all these factors are key to the process of reforming Arab regimes -- some are even prerequisites for reform. I say all this in light of the initiative announced by US Secretary of State Colin Powell at the US Heritage Foundation -- which, by the way is not an organisation friendly to the Arab cause. Nonetheless, I believe that rejecting this initiative out of hand would mean stagnation, surrender to the status quo and acceptance of the unjust accusations that we are backward and fanatical. At the same time, however, we do not need the stewardship of a superpower to steer us towards reform and teach us its virtues and importance.
We believe that reform should take place from within and continue unabated because this is the road to hope based on reviving thought, awakening the mind, reviving our identity and coexisting in a different world in which there are things we accept and others we don't.
This is a vision for the relationship between reform and a resolution of a continuous conflict, in light of lost hope and an absent vision.
* The writer is chairman of the People's Assembly Foreign Relations Committee.
Al-Ahram Weekly Online : 23 - 29 January 2003 (Issue No. 622)
Located at: http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/622/op171.htm