Hopping on the campaign trail
Arab-Americans flex their muscles as they prepare for presidential elections, writes Heba Abdalla from Washington
As the last of the nation's presidential hopefuls launch their campaigns, Arab-American and Muslim leaders are making their own preparations for the 2004 elections. Through voter registration drives, candidate forums and grass-roots involvement in political campaigns, Muslim and Arab-Americans are flexing their political muscle.
Activists and analysts say the stakes have never been higher for America's estimated seven million Muslims. In addition to defining the domestic and foreign policy issues of interest to the community, analysts say this election will speak volumes about its political clout.
"Civil liberties, Iraq, the Middle East peace process -- these are reasons why we really need to get involved," said Asim Ghafoor, a Washington-based political consultant and former congressional staffer. "If we don't make a move now and get some results, then politicians will never support us on our issues."
In the 2000 presidential race, Muslim activists attempted to do just that. A coalition of Muslim leaders representing some of the nation's most influential groups, including the Council on American Islamic Relations and the Muslim Public Affairs Committee, worked to deliver a bloc vote to then Texas Governor George W Bush. The group, called the American Muslim Political Coordination Council (AMPCC) cited his "openness" to American Muslim issues. "The main factor was the governor's accessibility to Muslim leaders. He has promised to address American Muslim concerns when and if he goes into office," said Ibrahim Hooper, an AMPCC spokesman, in an October 2000 interview with the Associated Press.
Indeed, candidate Bush, on the surface, appeared to some Muslim leaders as the ideal choice, with his willingness to meet with community leaders on the campaign trail and his pledge to eliminate the use of secret evidence in immigration hearings. Some Muslim leaders also found the Republican Party's platform on domestic issues dealing with abortion and school vouchers appealing.
It is unclear how the bloc vote strategy impacted Arab and Muslim influence on the White House. It has thus far received mixed reviews from Arab and Muslim activists. Some point to small victories regarding accessibility to the president and members of his administration. For example, immediately following 9/11 President Bush won praise and appreciation for his visit to a Washington DC mosque and his calls for tolerance and understanding toward Muslims. Bush also scored points with Muslim and Arab-American leaders when he distanced himself from Islamophobic statements made by leaders from the Christian right, who are at the core of his political base.
"Some of the comments that have been uttered about Islam do not reflect the sentiments of my government or the sentiments of most Americans," Bush told reporters in November 2002. "By far, the vast majority of American citizens respect the Islamic people and the Muslim faith. After all, there are millions of peaceful-loving Muslim Americans."
According to Reuters, Bush was responding to anti-Islamic remarks made by Evangelist Pat Robertson, who reportedly said Muslims were "worse than the Nazis".
However, as the Bush administration pursued its "war on terror" a growing number of Muslims say they have become targets. Since the attacks, federal authorities have detained and deported hundreds of mostly Arab and Muslim immigrants, shut down major Muslim charities and introduced new laws broadening government powers to monitor the activities of individuals.
Although Bush met on several occasions with Muslim American leaders, they were apparently unable to influence his decisions on key issues. Shortly before the president declared war in Iraq, the Los Angeles-based Muslim Public Affairs Council passed a resolution condemning the war and urged the president to end the military campaign. Despite these calls, President Bush declared war in March 2003.
Muslim groups were also unable to convince Bush to withdraw the nomination of Islamophobe Daniel Pipes to the federally-funded US Institute for Peace. After Muslim, Arab and other activists worked to delay the Senate confirmation, Bush made the appointment through the back-door during a congressional recess.
Critics from the community point to this as just one example of why backing Bush was a mistake.
Prominent Arab-American activist James Zogby said the bloc vote support for Bush was "immature" and charged that groups like the AMPCC have been miscast as the only voice of the Muslim and Arab communities. Zogby, a senior adviser on ethnic affairs in the Gore 2000 campaign, said that the Muslim and Arab communities are diverse in their political affiliations and that one organisation could not speak for all.
He said his brother John, who heads Zogby International, a respected political survey research organisation, polled the Muslim community during the 2000 campaign and found that a majority of Muslims did not identify with the Republican Party, but instead "tended to align themselves more readily with the Democratic Party". The survey also showed that Muslims associated themselves 46 per cent Democratic, 18 per cent Republican, 26 per cent Independent.
Other leaders criticised the AMPCC for not consulting enough Muslim leaders and activists. "I think the biggest lesson learned [from the 2000 vote] is that [the AMPCC] needs to be more consultative," said Mahdi Bray, head of the Muslim American Society Freedom Foundation.
But Omar Ahmed, Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) board chairman and AMPCC member, said that every effort was made to consult all Muslim American leaders. Ahmed also said a series of surveys conducted within the Muslim community in 2000 reported overwhelming support for Bush.
In spite of the controversy, Muslim leaders agree that active political involvement is the best avenue for addressing community needs.
Al-Ahram Weekly Online : 16 - 22 October 2003 (Issue No. 660)
Located at: http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/660/in6.htm